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Huawei operations in Kenya exposed – Weekly Citizen

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Trouble is looming at Huawei Technologies Kenya office in Nairobi, Weekly Citizen investigations team has established.
At the centre of the storm is what insiders term as poor working conditions due to abuses by Chinese expatriates, poor pay compared to foreigners, money laundering, dumping of mobile phone equipments including handsets and sexploitation by Chinese senior managers on African ladies.
“The sexual abuses are so bad to an extent, the Chinese managers even do it in toilets in their offices at times sharing ladies,”a source claimed.

Huawei Kenya President Steven Li taking Selfie wit

Another source well versed with Huawei operations revealed, the firm is evading taxes running into millions in undeclared customs, goods declarations during importation.
Huawei top managers in Kenya are said to enjoy political protection in high levels. At Kenya Revenue Authority, Huawei is said to have had on its payroll the who is who in the management during the era of John Njiraini and commissioner general.
Weekly Citizen has information that the new management team at KRA headed by James Mburu has sent away managers said to have been on Huawei payroll. The contractors were terminated on what was said to be poor performance. Already the affected KRA officers’ lifestyle audit has been undertaken with information shared with Assets Recovery Authority. The departments targeted being customs, domestic and corporate support services.
Our sources revealed, Huawei together with other Chinese firms have perfected the art of tax evasion which is costing the taxman billions but a cartel at KRA doctors figures after being paid millions in bribes.
A customs officer based at Mombasa was allegedly bribed with Sh15 million by Huawei according to an insider at the Chinese firm.
One notorious underworld player at Huawei Kenya office is CEO Stone Lee He. It is said the recently launched women in technology initiative to help women in the IT sector has been turned into a tool to demand sexual favours.

CS Joe Mucheru

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Known as women in Technology Huawei (WITH), it aims at bringing women on board in technical field dominated by men. The brainchild of WITH Maureen Mwaniki is accused of witchhunting using the project.
Huawei’s country president is Steven Li. Li is accused of engaging in human trafficking by bringing Chinese in Kenya to do jobs Kenyans can do better. At one time Li had an arrogant personnal assistant and two secretaries of Chinese origin. Surprisingly, to be employed at the firm at a higher level or even low one, Chinese language is one of the qualifications.
Huawei is known to finance presidential candidates in ruling parties and even opposition world over. Word has it, in Kenya, Huawei funded Mwai Kibaki, Uhuru Kenyatta and opposition candidate Raila Odinga through his then aide Caroli Omondi.
Using its political connections Chinese telecoms giant Huawei landed a lucrative tender to deliver a data centre, smart city and surveillance project in Kenya for Sh17.5 billion ($172.7m). Huawei was able to lock out other Chinese telecommunications firms among them ZTE.
The Konza Technology City development is being funded with Chinese concessional loans – state-backed funding .
The Konza project under ICT ministry and Huawei, includes a National Cloud Data Centre, Smart ICT Network, Public Safe City and Smart Traffic Solution, and a Government Cloud and Enterprise Service.
Concessional loans tied to the purchase of Huawei equipment have proved a highly successful way to win contracts in developing countries.
In 2012, Huawei was awarded a tender to build a national fiber-optic network in Kenya worth $60.1 million, a deal financed by China Exim Bank.
Huawei is currently at war with America. The administration of president Donald Trump has put Huawei on its so-called entity list, which means US companies need a licence to supply US technology to the Chinese firm.
Huawei, a leader in next-generation 5G wireless technology remains barred from developing 5G networks in the United States, and the Trump administration is trying to convince its allies to do the same.
Recently, MPs slashed more than Sh1.2 billion allocated to the ministry of Interior to manage communication surveillance programmes countrywide.
National Secure Communication and Surveillance System project was one of those affected. The project started in 2015 when the state gave Safaricom and Huawei a Sh15 billion tender to install CCTV cameras.
Safaricom had involved Huawei in providing infrastructure support for the Sh14.9 billion security tender it was awarded last month.
Suprisingly, Huawei had been disqualified in a similar tender after it failed the capacity to execute the project. It is said, Huawei compromised Safaricom in the deal.
It is imperative to note, in 2012, then Internal Security ministry headed by late Joseph Nkaissery floated a security tender for the National Police Service.
The state also uses Huawei security equipment.
Safaricom was paid a cool Sh7.5 billion as initial installment for the 2014 building of a digital security system in Nairobi and Mombasa.
The contract required Safaricom to install CCTV cameras in Nairobi and Mombasa that transmit real time data to a central point at the police headquarters and to connect all police stations in the two cities to high speed 4G Internet.
The project is aimed at connecting 195 police stations in Nairobi and Mombasa to high speed 4G to ease communication.
Safaricom was also mandated to supply the police with radio communication devices (GSM walkie-talkies fitted with Sim cards and cameras) that can take pictures at crime scenes and send realtime data to the command centre for analysis.
Last year, an investigation by Wall Street Journal claimed Huawei technicians helped authorities in Uganda to intercept encrypted messages to penetrate a WhatsApp chat group in which musician and politician Bobi Wine is a member.
Bobi Wine is a fierce critic of president Yoweri Museveni.
Ugandan authorities supposedly used messages in the WhatsApp group to thwart plans for street rallies and arrested Wine and dozens of his supporters.
Huawei Technologies, one of the world’s largest telecommunications company, dominates African markets, where it has sold security tools that governments use for digital surveillance and censorship.

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Why have Ruto Kalenjin rebel MPs gone silent? – Weekly Citizen

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Though his boss has reportedly shown him the middle finger in running State affairs, deputy president William Ruto is resting easy after regaining total control of the Kalenjin community projected to be his biggest voting bloc in 2022.
The DP raised a storm last week after he was photographed tending to his Sugoi farm in Uasin Gishu county at a time many Kenyans expected him to be assisting Uhuru Kenyatta in containing the deadly corona virus pandemic.
Ruto, however, has been regularly sending tweets urging Kenyans to adhere to government directives stipulated to curb the spread of the disease.
But the DP is now sitting assured after taming the Kalenjin rebels, thereby cementing his position as the community’s kingpin.
Ruto has totally eclipsed Baringo senator Gideon Moi who was wrestling the control of the community from him ahead of the 2022 elections.
Gideon, who was handed former president Daniel arap’s Moi rungu by the family members, has not made inroads in wooing the community to his side.
The latest setback the senator suffered was the removal of Baringo county assembly deputy speaker allied to Kanu, Ameja Zelemoi, who is also Churo/Amaya ward rep.
He was ousted by the majority Jubilee MCAs on allegations of abuse of office.
The ouster motion was sponsored by the assembly’s majority leader Lawi Kipchumba and supported by 36 MCAs out of 45.
It was Mochongoi MCA Kipruto Kimosop who lifted the lid and opened a can of worms when he revealed that the impeachment was meant to send strong signals to Gideon that Baringo is a Jubilee stronghold and Kanu allied politicians from the region should desist from insulting the DP.
Days before the ouster, Gideon was glued to his television watching protests and chaos rock his county when supporters of the deputy president took to the streets to protest calls from a section of MPs for the DP’s resignation.
The protestors trained their blazing guns on Gideon’s ally, Baringo woman representative Gladwell Tungo, who was elected on Kanu ticket and who read a press statement at parliament buildings calling on the deputy president to step aside, claiming he had brought the DP’s office into disrepute as he was linked to multiple scandals.

William Kamket

For now, the deputy president commands total control of the Kalenjin community, the dominant ethnic group in Rift Valley, others being the Maasai, Turkana and Samburu, together forming the Kamatusa.
The Kalenjins are found in West Pokot, Uasin Gishu, Elgeyo-Marakwet, Baringo, Nandi, Kericho and Bomet with pockets of them living in Nakuru and Narok counties.
The deputy president has cut to size rebel politicians who were giving him sleepless nights. They have all gone silent with analysts claiming, the ground is hostile to them.
The rebels include MPs William Kamket (Tiaty, Kanu), Silas Tiren (Moiben, Jubilee), Alfred Keter (Nandi Hills, Jubilee) and Joshua Kuttuny (Cherengany, Jubilee).
Other politicians from Rift Valley not seeing eye-to-eye with the deputy president include former ministers Franklin Bett, Henry Kosgey, Sally Kosgei, former Kuresoi MP Zakayo Cheruiyot, Isaac Ruto of Chama Cha Mashinani, businessmen Zedekiah Bundotich and David Langat.

Cherengany MP Joshua Kutuny

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Of all the leaders, only Kamket and Kuttuny have remained adamant that Ruto will be stopped by all means from ascending to power in 2022.
The Tiaty MP and Kuttuny have been attending the Building Bridges Initiative rallies where the Cherengany MP has been throwing brickbats at the deputy president.
But Kuttuny rarely visits his constituency for fear of being heckled by the residents who are firmly behind the deputy president. Surprisingly, Tiren and Keter have not been spotted in BBI rallies.
Most of the other leaders opposed to Ruto have been giving the BBI rallies a wide berth, preferring to wait on the wings and see which direction the wind will blow.
According to sources, it was Ruto’s firm hold on the Kalenjins that led to cancellation of a BBI rally in Eldoret following a situational report by the National Intelligence Service warning over possible outbreak of violence.
The meeting had been set for March 21 with pundits billing it as the litmus test for the rallies that were defining the political truce between Uhuru and ODM leader Raila Odinga.
The NIS document pointed to looming bloody clashes between supporters of Ruto and those of Raila.
Prior to the 2017 polls, the DP consolidated his support base by bringing all his rivals back into the fold as he galvanised support for Jubilee in the vote-rich region.
The Kalenjin rebels were then complaining that Jubilee had not fulfilled key campaign pledges and that Ruto had not used his influence to improve their lives.
They were citing the failure to resettle the Mau Forest evictees, poor payments to maize farmers and the DP’s inaccessibility as grounds for rejecting Jubilee.
The rebels included then Bomet Governor Isaac Rutto and MPs Oscar Sudi (Kapseret), Alfred Keter (Nandi Hills), Zakayo Cheruiyot (Kuresoi South) and then State House political affairs adviser Joshua Kuttuny.
Kuttuny made an abrupt about-turn and started flying in the same chopper with the deputy president.
He also hosted Ruto in Cherangany constituency before accompanying him to West Pokot ahead of the 2017 campaigns.
But some of the rebels led by Keter revolted against the DP soon after winning their seats in the 2017 polls, a revolt that threatened to crush the DP’s 2022 presidential ambitions.
The rebellion was led by the DP’s former allies who secretly schemed to jump ship from Jubilee while others kept away from his political activities.
The battle against him was fashioned around corruption and allegations that Kalenjin farmers had for the first time since independence been impoverished after the Jubilee administration took over.
The anti-Ruto brigade also accused powerful individuals in the ruling party of importing maize to frustrate local farmers and also thwart the government’s subsidies programme on fertiliser aimed at helping farmers.
The rebels included Buzeki, who at one time was quoted saying people think all Kalenjins are corrupt yet it’s just a few individuals like the deputy president who engage in graft and protecting cartels, thus damaging the name of the community.
It is at this juncture that details emerged of Isaac Ruto and Buzeki finalising a strategy to revamp Chama Cha Mashinani to team up with Gideon’s Kanu to whittle down Ruto’s grip on the vote-rich Rift Valley.
The CCM was also considering talking with ANC’s leader Musalia Mudavadi, Ford-Kenya’s Moses Wetang’ula and leaders of other parties to form a new political alliance.
Buzeki, known for a sizeable financial war chest, even lead a 500-strong delegation from the North Rift to a meeting with Rutto and CCM officials.
The meeting took place at the home of the former Bomet county boss after Buzeki publicly denounced Jubilee.
Buzeki and Ruto agreed on a political deal that would see the former governor remain the party leader while Buzeki becomes the secretary general.
The plan was to revamp the party through massive rebranding and recruitment of new members ahead of a face-off with Jubilee in 2022.
The plan had the backing of three sitting governors, six MPs and five senators in the region along with Langat, a Mombasa-based tycoon from North Rift.
The key backers of the plan included Elgeyo-Marakwet governor Alex Tolgos who had ditched Jubilee in favour of Kanu.
For his part, the vocal Uasin Gishu governor Jackson Mandago had retreated from Ruto’s activities waiting to see which direction the wind was blowing.
Others waiting to see the wind’s direction were Uasin Gishu Senator Margaret Kamar, woman representative Gladys Shollei, Ainabkoi MP William Chepkut and Kesses MP Swarrup Mishra. Shollei has since joined the DP rallies.
Ruto’s rural MP Janet Koech (independent) had remained aloof in local politics but the Jubilee candidate, Kevin Okwara jumped ship from the party blaming the DP and his allies for snatching his victory just because he was not from the area.
Soy MP Caleb Kositany, Elgeyo Marakwet senator Kipchumba Murkomen and Ruto’s powerful aide Farouk Kibet are fully behind Ruto.
It was Kuttuny who revealed that the revolt was real and unstoppable, saying the DP had been losing his trusted political allies who were replaced by sycophants who only chase their personal interests.
Kuttuny, along with Keter and Tiren, kicked off a storm when they demanded that the DP be investigated for alleged involvement in graft.
But Ruto’s allies moved swiftly to de-whip the rebels from House committees only for the High Court to save them by reinstating them.
Tiren, Keter, Marakwet East MP Kangongo Bowen and Alex Kosgey of Emgwen had been recalled from House committees for allegedly colluding with National Super Alliance lawmakers to contest committee leadership, disregarding their party’s leadership.
Keter and Tiren were elected chairpersons of the Labour and Social Welfare and Agriculture committees respectively.
Keter defeated Ali Wario of Bura, who had been preferred by Ruto while Kangogo defeated Sophia Abdi of Ijara to become chairman of the Environment committee. The deputy president had endorsed Abdi.
Kosgey had unsuccessfully challenged Kieni MP Kanini Kega as chairman of the committee on trade.
The rebels further breathed a sigh of relief when the Court of Appeal reinstated them as MPs after losing petitions lodged against them at the High Court.
In what was interpreted as a blow to the deputy president, Kangongo was reinstated as MP by the Court of Appeal days after Justice Kanyi Kimondo of the High Court nullified his victory following a petition launched by a voter, Sammy Kemboi.
Days later, Keter survived at the Supreme Court after it dismissed a petition filed by his competitor, Bernard Kitur to nullify his win.
But for now Keter, Kangogo,Tiren and Buzeki, among other anti-Ruto forces have taken a low profile, raising speculations they could be planning to rejoin the DP’s camp. Only time will tell.

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Who is who in rush for Trans-Nzoia governor’s job 2022 – Weekly Citizen

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The one million dollar question that has kept on boggling the minds of Trans Nzoia residents is whether or not Governor Patrick Khaemba was in 2013 elected as a person, or because of his allegiance to the Ford-Kenya FK party.
Could Khaemba have been voted in as a Bukusu so as to retain the political grip on the local majority community as a way of controlling power and resources as has been the other tribes elsewhere in the country?
Or still, could Khaemba have floored the other seasoned politicians like Noah Wekesa and Kakai Bisau with a big margin because of his development record? But what project had he initiated in the area prior to him joining politics that could warrant the ticket to the governorship?

Noah Wekesa

And what if both Wekesa and Bisau had resolved their differences to back one of them in FK where they had been before the former moved to ODM, and the latter to NFK respectively, to take on Khaemba who was seen as a newcomer in the politics of the county apart from having served as a permanent secretary PS in a personal capacity?
What finances did Khaemba have to influence the voting pattern to his side? If anything, the embattled governor had not saved half of what Wekesa had set aside for the electioneering. But here was a man, who had been defrocked from the government and worked briefly at the World Bank, then came home to walk to victory against a millionaire.

Kakai Bisau

Save for the constitution that bars Khaemba to vie for the third time, would the same Trans-Nzoia people vote for him in 2022? Could there be yet another surprise in waiting?
Perhaps Khaemba did not face the right opponents or the 2013 and 2017 polls were just sheer good luck for Khaemba who with his slogan of Kazi Kwa Mpango has turned into a nightmare for the thousands of people who had placed their hopes on a man they believed would deliver them from the vast bondage of abject poverty.
What most of the registered 230,000 voters are now wondering is whether the same practice is going to be repeated in 2022 as they seek a replacement for Khaemba and go in the annals of history to erase the belief and myth that it is only through political and tribal patronage that a governor could be elected in Trans Nzoia.
As the 2022 draws near, stakes of political parties, finances, tribal alliances and empty pledges are currently rearing their ugly heads again with the most two qualities of development record and personality not being considered.
Already, a list of carrot of the most likely contenders has floated and a mere perusal at it shows as to who is who matters in the society as much as tribe, political and financial might is concerned.
Memories of the non-performance and let-down of the outgoing Khaemba are quickly erasing out with the tendency of the “our own” manifesting to the grassroots. Suffice to ask which way for the nearly one million population of Trans Nzoia county in 2022 with the following possible candidates on card for the county’s gubernatorial race: –

Eugine Wamalwa

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Eugene Wamalwa: The Devolution CS is yet to decide whether or not to remain with the national government or roll down to the county but should he contest, he enjoys the support of majority communities and age bracket.
Though the CS is faced with the challenge of the choice of a political party after surrendering his New Ford Kenya NFK to the divided Jubilee, Wamalwa will have first to conform to the outcome of BBI before making any major move.
He will also have to explain why he has preferred Trans Nzoia people to those in Bungoma in terms of offering employment. His admirers include Cherangany MP Joshua Kuttuny, Endebess politician Alwin Lisa, local supplier Bernard Masanja, county assemby pro Fred Wanyonyi whom he may back for the senate seat and a woman activist Dorcas Njenga being regarded as the possible running mate of the Devolution CS or the choice for the woman rep.
Born in 1969 and married to Lucy Musundi, the CS remains the official spokesperson of the Wamalwa family and the larger Baengele clan of the Bukusu subtribe traversing Trans Nzoia and Bungoma counties. He is calculative like his late brother, Wamalwa Kijana.
That is why the populous Bukuksu community and Luhya rely on him on national cake bargain politics of building alliances.
He is sober in arguments, rarely gets annoyed when pushed to the wall only smiling and as a shrewd political gambler, hides his final card to cast it at the right time. It is said a section involved in Uhuru Kenyatta succession has a soft spot on Eugene and that is why he hold the powerful devolution docket.
Chris Wamalwa: The holder of the doctorate in strategic management could have an easy ride if Eugene does not contest for having moved across the county from church harambees to donations to funerals.
His undoing, however, is insults against his opponents and behaving as having already won the seat. If he plays his game well he could carry away the FK nominations. He is being advised to listen and respect elders.
Aged 45 and married to Florence Nyambere with three children Bill, Arnold and Victoria, and as a staunch Catholic and the chairman of the parliamentary catholic MPs, the Kiminini MP has established a rapport with the Kitale Catholic Bishop Maurice Crowley who has no qualms with him becoming the second Trans Nzoia governor after Khaemba.
The Saboti Jubilee MCA David Kaboloman, a Sabaot who had been famed as his running mate before the BBI report recommending for a woman candidate, he could turn out to be his chief campaign manager.
Currently, the FK lawmaker declared twice as the best debate with motions cushioning farmers against uncompetitive production costs is being rated as the front runner. He knows how to move masses and strike when the iron is still hot to scare potential political foes. He is a generous man.
Kakai Bisau: This will be his third stab and any small mistake might spell his finality to doom. It will be interesting to see how he will fair on without the backing of Eugene party he enjoyed in 2013 and 2017 after moving to DP William Ruto’s office where he is facing resistance from another candidate Abraham Sing’oei.
He has chosen to work with Bodaboda and women groups which are trooping from Khaemba’s camp to come and enhance his image soiled by his heart of not handing over an olive hand to his aggressors.
He is an adviser to DP Ruto but his challenge would be his running mate. He displays a bright future and exudes confidence. He resides in the once posh and exclusive Kitale’s Milimani Estate, just a stone’s-throw neighbour of Eugene.
He is surrounded by wrong faces and believes he has won the race by the fact of working in DP Ruto office. Those in DP office claim Kakai rarely interacts with Ruto and spends most of the time reading newspapers at Harambee Annex.
Kakai is said to be marktiming at the Annex office as major deals are cut at DP official residence in Karen and a private office in Upperhill. In fact Kakai has to receive handouts from powerful Ruto aide Farouk Kibett. His salary at Ruto’s office is Sh120,000 per month. Word has it that DP allies want him to step down for Senator Mike Mbito, promising a plum job in Ruto government if the DP wins 2022.
Senator Mike Mbito: The youthful vet is shifting to the plum job after dillydallying with Bisau in 2013 as his running mate and the easy ride in 2017 to the Senate on the Jubilee ticket against the influential Henry Ole Ndiema and Kipruto Kirwa.
Equally financial sound, and a philanthropist, the man could turn tables as was the case in 2017 when he vied for the senate. Perhaps, the only improvement is his public appearance and the command of both his native Sabaot dialect and Kiswahili language. He seems also allied to DP Ruto’s brigade in the county.
In his late 40s, the Senator should shield against the fast-riding Khaemba’s CCO for the department of Water John Meng’wa who is looked at as an alternate for the Sabaot community in mitigating the leadership power of the county.
But should both Wamalwas and Bisau make it a reality to the polling box, the trend and wave could smile towards his side. Having secured a permanent residence at Kitale in Saboti, he can only extend on his long-distance transport business to add to his finances. He should not rely on his Saboat community but reach out to other communities in the county.
Ben Wanjala: The professor of pasture development is leading a group of elders in identifying the suitor to Khaemba.
Having worked as Khaemba’s CFO, Wanjala is sending out the message of Trans Nzoia being a unique county that should be governed by committed professionals. He could fight within the FK primaries and he seems to have set himself well financially. Aged 58, and married to Benedict Wafula, the professor with property in Kitale and Kiminini towns is championing inclusivity and harmonising of all the local communities including the Asians who control the economy of the county.

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Waiguru’s woes pile as Kibicho joins Ngirici side – Weekly Citizen

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Kirinyaga governor Anne Mumbi Waiguru is now fighting the battle of her lifetime to save her nascent political career after Interior principal secretary Karanja Kibicho bankrolled disgruntled MCAs to oust her through impeachment. Already, a motion for her impeachment has been presented the county assembly.
The PS has since sent early signals of his intention to go for the gubernatorial seat in 2022.
Kibicho, currently the most powerful PS in Uhuru Kenyatta’s government has successfully rallied most elected leaders in Kirinyaga to his side and is using them to market himself in readiness for taking a stab at the coveted and lucrative county seat.

Governor Ann Mumbi

To worsen matters for the governor, the powerful PS has sent emissaries to county woman representative Purity Ngirici for them to team up to send Waiguru home in 2022. It is said Ngirici is planning to abandon her governorship ambitions and defend her seat.

In return, Kibicho has pledged to shield Ngirici’s husband, Andrew, from criminal prosecution for his alleged role in grabbing the late spyman James Kanyotu’s property through forgery.
Andrew, who dropped out of Class Four, used to wash cars and operate donkey and luggage carts for a fellow villager, Arthur Munyi in Kaitheri, Kirinyaga county before he met Kanyotu who hired his services.
Kanyotu, according to sources, picked Andrew as his right hand man and when he faced criminal prosecution over his role in the Goldenberg scandal, transferred some of his properties to him with the understanding he would surrender them back when the case was over.
But when Kanyotu died, Andrew refused to surrender the properties back to the family and allegedly even went ahead to forge the late spyman’s signature to claim ownership to others, opening a battle front with the family members.

Ngirici

Ngirici, who is currently in William Ruto’s Tangatanga team, is said to be considering Kibicho’s offer and in the coming days they are likely to start going round the county together to finish the governor. It is said, Ngirici also plans to desert Ruto camp. Sources say, Ngirici who has also been sued by an air travel firm for failure to pay millions she hired a chopper for campaigns is currently facing financial woes after the system targeted family business demanding pending Kenya Revenue Authority running into millions. Further, her husband was accused of engaging in tax evasion.
According to sources, Kibicho has now elbowed out Waiguru from the president’s inner circle, and to date the governor is not dropping the head of state’s name to scare rivals as she used to do.
To complicate matters for Waiguru, the PS is labelling her as disloyal to the head of state after she failed to give the go-ahead to a project the president supports.
In February this year, Uhuru asked the governor to resolve a dispute over the construction of a Sh15 billion project by the Kenya Medical Research Institute.

Kibicho

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The project in Wamumu area, Mwea, involves the construction of a Level 5 hospital, a medical research and teaching centre, and a medical supplies factory.
It was scheduled to start in January 2016, but the Kirinyaga county government and Kemri disagreed on how the workforce would be hired.
But during a tour of the county this year, the president asked the governor to get into an agreement with the institution for work to start as soon as possible.
The county government was to donate 100 acres but Waiguru declined to release the title deed to the institution until they signed a memorandum of understanding to hire local casual labourers.
And Kibicho is now going round the county telling the residents that Waiguru has no respect for Uhuru since she has failed to release the title to Kemri to enable it start the project.
Uhuru had observed that the project would not only benefit county residents but people from the entire Mount Kenya region.
But the governor has been adamant that she will not allow the project to start to avoid a situation “like what happened at Thiba Dam, where people had been flocking the county offices complaining of discrimination”.
“Kirinyaga people have been disadvantaged in the past when it comes to projects, which must now be addressed. For that reason, we have had reservations on the Kemri project because we want to be sure that we have a written agreement stipulating the benefits our people will accrue from the project,” she has repeatedly said.
And now Kibicho has enlisted leaders led by Mwea MP Wachira Kabinga and Ngirici to go round the county accusing Waiguru of sabotaging a project the president has an interest in.
According to Kibicho, Waiguru is sabotaging the second biggest project in Kirinyaga after the Thiba Dam being put at a cost of Sh19 billion.
The PS has been telling the residents that the delay in starting the project will see sponsors withdraw or opt to invest in another county, which will be a big blow to them.
But in hard-hitting rebuttals, Waiguru has been accusing the PS of politicking, wondering whether the PS is superior to the president.
Others on Kibicho’s side include former governor Joseph Ndathi in whose tenure the project was initiated.
Ndathi has been accusing Waiguru’s administration of playing politics with a project that will transform the county.
Insiders add that Kibicho has lured nearly all the MCAs to his side, leaving Waiguru to battle with Kemri on her own.
The MCAs showed their displeasure when they rejected the nominees to the county public service board saying they were not representative of its diversity.
They also refused to confirm two county executives nominated by the governor, only approving the health executive.
The county government is now operating without the trade and transport executives.
The governor was in for more shock after the assembly passed a motion abolishing the directorate of liaison and communications office, accusing it of being a propaganda tool that was not serving the interests of the county government and residents.
But the High Court has temporarily halted the move to abolish the office.
Senator Charles Kibiru, Ngirici, four MPs and a number of MCAs from the county are fighting her.
Currently, 12 MCAs in the county assembly accuse her of being arrogant, proud and lone ranger. Insiders add that it was Kibicho who bankrolled three MPs from Kirinyaga to demand Waiguru to resign or else they force her out when she failed to end the health crisis.
The MPs John Wambugu (Kirinyaga Central), Kabinga Wachira (Mwea) and Gichimu Githinji (Gichugu), first met Kibicho in his office before demanding she resigns.
According to sources, Ngirici has now slowed down her campaigns for the governor’s seat and is considering Kibicho’s offer to team up with him to send Waiguru home.
In the past Ngirici had gone to an extent of hiring youths to heckle the governor in her turf.
She did this during a function attended by Ruto.
The incident rekindled the 1970s war between Kirinyaga supremos James Njiru and Nahashon Njuno, who were MPs for Ndia and Gichugu, respectively.
Waiguru is from Gichugu while Ngirici is from Kirinyaga Central, which was carved out of Ndia
Interestingly, when Waiguru announced her intentions to run for governorship it was Ngirici who introduced her to political mobilisers at an event in Kerugoya.
But the two fell out a few weeks before the Jubilee party primaries, in which Ngirici secured the ticket for the county woman representative’s seat and Waiguru the governor’s.
At one time, Mutira ward representative Kinyua Wangui filed a motion accusing Waiguru of gross violation of the constitution, abuse of office and gross misconduct.
“The county assembly now resolves to remove Hon Anne Mumbi (herein referred to as the County Governor) from the office of the county governor of Kirinyaga, pursuant to Article 181 (1) (a) & (c) of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, Section 33 of the County Governments Act, 2012 and the County Assembly Standing Order. No 58,” the motion read in part. It is no wonder that the motion has been tabled.
Wangui alleged that Waiguru had intentionally “refused, failed or neglected” to duly deliver to the county on the 2018-2019 fiscal year.
Wangui further claimed that Waiguru undermined the county assembly’s authority.
According to her, Waiguru was required to submit her plans for the county before the assembly for approval but she failed.
“That the governor’s failure to comply with Section 30 (2) (f), (j) and (k) of the County Government Act 2012 not only undermines the power and the authority of the County Assembly to offer oversight and approve various developmental plans, but also greatly clogs the wheels of Wanjiku-oriented development in Kirinyaga County,” the motion further reads.
Waiguru was also on the spot over a tender which the MCA alleged was awarded irregularly.
The lawmaker highlighted a company, Joames Investment Limited, to have been awarded a tender by the Governor despite falling short on the legal due process.
“The tender was unilaterally undertaken by Master Rock Construction Company whose bid was non-responsive, thereby violating the constitution and the Public Procurement and Assets Disposal Act, 2015 and the regulations therein,” Wangui argued.
She also highlighted yet another tender which the Governor used to acquire her official vehicle for Sh15 million.
Wangui stated that the purchase was illegal despite a similar acquisition by former governor. Martha Karua who ran for governorship 2017 coming second is being isolated in the new power games.
For now, pressure is on Kibicho to ran in 2022 with locals planning to collect signatures to force him into the race under the banner, No KK 2022, Kirinyaga kwisha.

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