Faithful of the Anglican Church in Mbeere South who are pushing for a split from the ACK Diocese of Mbeere are baying for the blood of Anglican Archbishop Jackson Ole Sapit after he told them to follow the right procedure as contained in the church constitution.
Archbishop Sapit, addressing the faithful at ACK Cathedral Mbeere Diocese in Siakago. dismissed the reasons given for the split claiming they do not meet the threshold for the split of Mbeere diocese.
According to Sapit, consideration of financial stability of a diocese is crucial in determining whether it is ready for a split and as things stand, Mbeere diocese is struggling to finish the ongoing cathedral.
However, the archbishop advised them if they still want to pursue the matter for redress, they should do so through following the right process.
As the procedure stands, they should first write their proposal for the split of the diocese to the Mbeere Diocese synod which will then deliberate on the matter and if they vote for the idea, it will then be brought to house of bishops in Nairobi which will deliberate on it further.
Once the house of bishops approves the proposal, they would then write their recommendations to standing committee of the provincial synod, which would then write to commission for creation of the new dioceses and setting boundaries, which will come to the ground to assess viability of a new diocese.
The archbishop however, noted those agitating for new diocese did not follow these steps but wrote to him directly for a new diocese.
He said the reason for his visit was to meet the faithful and address the matter and guide on the right process of agitating for a new diocese.
A section of Mbeere South ACK faithful have been protesting and agitating for the split of the diocese claiming they have been sidelined in service and development by the Diocesan Bishop Moses Masamba who hails from Mbeere North.
Mbeere diocese was created 21 years ago from the diocese of Embu which is led by David Ireri. The splinter group now wants to follow the right mechanism to avoid any doubts
Exposed:The dark side of Safaricom new CEO Ndegwa – Weekly Citizen
Peter Ndegwa, the man who landed the plum Safaricom CEO position has dual citizenship; Weekly Citizen has information from a reliable source well conversant with happenings at the leading mobile service provider board of directors and top management.
PN as he is known among professional colleagues holds a British citizenship at the same time a Kenyan.
Dual citizenship or dual nationality is allowed in United Kingdom. It means one can be a British citizen and also a citizen of other countries. Prominent Kenyan who also holds British citizenship is former Attorney General Charles Njonjo who Britons refer to as a Sir Charles Njonjo or “The Duke of Kabeteshire”.
Upon discovery Ndegwa is a British citizen; the staff has baptized him the name “Duke of Safarishire”.
Our source revealed that the dual citizenship played a key role in Ndegwa landing the slot against favourite insiders who are referred to as locals. The locals performed well during interviews but the Safaricom really foreign owners were not comfortable in having a local despite the push by the Kenyan government.
To hoodwink the Kenyan government that an African and Kenyan had landed the slot, Ndegwa was appointed.Behind knowing his is a Briton who can denounce his Kenyan citizenship if pushed to the wall. In fact,sources reveal,Ndegwa has not invested much in Kenya but in UK.
Legal discussions were on the table as Ndegwa was named CEO. First the directors agreed that the appointment will not be challenged in court. The current Kenyan constitution allows for dual citizenship. It states, a Kenyan citizen who acquires citizenship of any other country after August 27, 2010 does not lose Kenyan citizenship.
In fact, Weekly Citizen has information Ndegwa by virtue of being a UK citizen is the reason behind landing plum executive positions in other UK controlled multinational firms.
“Britons cannot allow a person with no links in the country to be in charge of huge investment and PN discovered it early, hence with his impressive CV decided to be one of them ”, revealed our source.
He was appointed by Safaricom to replace the late Bob Collymore as the CEO. The Safaricom PLC board of directors appointed him effective April 1, ,2020. He heads Kenya and East Africa region.
Until landing the Safaricom CEO slot, he was managing Director of Diageo Continental, Europe. The firm is a British multinational alcoholic beverages company operating in Europe, Russia and North Africa.
In 1996, Ndegwa was with global consulting firm PWC as a consultant to London under the firm’s talent development. It was during the period he applied to be a British citizen.
After his MBA at London School of Economics, he was back in Kenya in 2002 working on corporate advisory assignments. In 2004, he joined East Africa Breweries (EABL), a British entity owned by Diageo outlet based in Nairobi as strategy director.
Weekly Citizen has information Ndegwa while at EABL, was used by Britons to fight Keroche Breweries that was established in 1997. At EABL, he served as Group Chief Finance Officer (CFC), Group strategy Director, Sales Director and an executive Director of the board. His assignment by his foreign masters was to tame the growth of Keroche at all costs.
The senator beer, affordable beer to counter Keroche products was his breakthrough. It became one of the most successful innovations by Diageo. Sources at EABL then claim, Ndegwa was at the right position at the firm when senator was introduced and was not even involved by virtue of having no beer production background. He took credit and was to land be CEO in Guinness subsidiaries in Nigeria and Ghana all linked to Diageo UK.It was while in West African capitals the hidden social side of Ndegwa was noticed.His secret love for beauties in tight skirts or tight trousers almost landed him in trouble after competing with a Nigerian man over a beauty.The Nigerian man could not control his bitterness and went physical. What happened afterwards is history but the situation was nasty at the social joint.
Ndegwa was named Safaricom CEO when succession wars had taken centre stage following Collymore’s death. The Ministry of Information and Communication Cabinet Secretary Joe Mucheru was pushing for a Kenyan CEO. By then, the board had appointed founding Chief Executive officer Michael Joseph to act.
Initially, interviews for Collymore replacement before his death had been contacted while the late was sick. Forces involved did not agree on the person to take over hence Collymore tenure was to be extended for one year thus dying in office.
During the controversial interviews, Kenya Commercial Bank CEO Joshua Oigara a member of late Collymore Boyz club was favoured as a local. But foreign owners wanted one of their own. The Kenyan government objected . It ended with Collymore one year extension term.
The State move was based on an agreement adopted during shareholder meeting in 2017 where it was agreed a Kenyan take over. In fact, during the said interviews, Ndegwa did not apply.
Kenya government owns 35 percent, Vodacom 35 percent and vodafone with five percent.
Like Ndegwa, Joseph whom he took over from, in acting capacity is a dual American and Kenyan national. Collymore was married to a Kenyan. He was a Guyana-born British businessman.
Ever since he took over, Ndegwa has been holding secret meetings with three top managers at Safaricom raising eyebrows what he is up to. The move has sent panic among the so called Bob Collymore orphans. The orphans were instrumental in running daily activities as Collymore was sick. They could decide what to be done, who to be sacked and other managerial duties.
One targeted face although enjoying influence among the board of directors is Sateesh Kamath, Chief Finance Officer and Executive board member. He acted as CEO when Collymore was indisposed.
Then we have Sylvia Mulinge, the woman said to have been a darling to Collymore and was even being groomed to succeed him as CEO, a first Kenyan woman CEO if the deal succeeded. Not spared is Joseph Ogutu, the chief special projects officer who was locked out of CEO post on tribal and on employment basis. Ogutu was preferred to act after Collymore death but instead, Michael Joseph was picked.Ogutu mistake is a Luo like ODM leader Raila Odinga ,the person who called on Kenyans boycott Safaricom services after 2017 polls.
Ogutu is at his twilight days at Safaricom .One person whose future hangs in balance if what we hear from insiders is anything to go by is Sylvia Mulinge.
To haunt Sylvia is a plot to revive an accident case in Nairobi that saw a minor die in the slums of Kibera adjacent to the Southern bypass. Sylvia Mulinge was on a wheel of Toyota Prado KBU 483M with Safaricom Ltd registered as its legal owners.
It is said, Mulinge with Colllymore kept the crash secret contrary to Vodafone’s strict Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) policy.
Lawyers acting for the deceased wrote a protest letter to the Directorate of Public Prosecution on the matter. The letter was copied to the Inspector General of Police and the Independent Police Oversight Authority.
Ndegwa is being put on pressure to revive the file and disciplinary action taken against Sylvia now Collymore has joined the dead minor in the other world.Careless driving is a serious infringement of one of the core values for Vodafone PLC which, as part of its OHS, maintains a strict zero tolerance to loss of life or injury related to Vodafone operations or by any of its more than 100,000 employees worldwide.
Bribery claims to compromise the family of the minor and illegally influencing law enforcement officials to avoid thorough investigations as to the cause and circumstances of the fatal accident are being raised.
The forces pushing Sylvia Mulinge case revival include Stephen Chege Chief Corporate Affairs Officer who argues,the incident has tainted Safaricom in public eyes.Then we have Nicholas Mulila, Chief Corporate Security Officer whose office was deeply involved in the investigations with the final verdict being, Silvya is guilty and need to have resigned but instead using charms had Collymore create a powerful position of Chief Customer Officer after failing to land the top Vodacom position in Tanzania as a fall back deal after being appointed by the late Bob.
The plot is to have Rito Okuthe replace Mulinge in the powerful slot of Chief customer officer. Okuthe hold Chief Enterprise Business office.
However, others want Debrah Mallowah, Chief Business Development officer be appointed.
According to sources, Mulinge position is second in command at the firm management after that of CEO.
By last week after we exposed power struggles at Safaricom, meetings were held to establish the source behind our article that send shivers across. Mulinge was linked to be the source with others claiming ,bitter Luos at the blue chip establishment. Further, others even involved a section of the board of directors who were opposed to Ndegwa appointment .They say,the directors are concerned,we cannot have a Kikuyu chairman in the name of Nicholas Nganga and at the same Ndegwa as CEO.The late Collymore had raised the issue in one of the meetings.Going by the current composition of the board and top management,the Kikuyu tribal factor is emerging,one of the concerned directors told our investigative team in confidence.
Why have Ruto Kalenjin rebel MPs gone silent? – Weekly Citizen
Though his boss has reportedly shown him the middle finger in running State affairs, deputy president William Ruto is resting easy after regaining total control of the Kalenjin community projected to be his biggest voting bloc in 2022.
The DP raised a storm last week after he was photographed tending to his Sugoi farm in Uasin Gishu county at a time many Kenyans expected him to be assisting Uhuru Kenyatta in containing the deadly corona virus pandemic.
Ruto, however, has been regularly sending tweets urging Kenyans to adhere to government directives stipulated to curb the spread of the disease.
But the DP is now sitting assured after taming the Kalenjin rebels, thereby cementing his position as the community’s kingpin.
Ruto has totally eclipsed Baringo senator Gideon Moi who was wrestling the control of the community from him ahead of the 2022 elections.
Gideon, who was handed former president Daniel arap’s Moi rungu by the family members, has not made inroads in wooing the community to his side.
The latest setback the senator suffered was the removal of Baringo county assembly deputy speaker allied to Kanu, Ameja Zelemoi, who is also Churo/Amaya ward rep.
He was ousted by the majority Jubilee MCAs on allegations of abuse of office.
The ouster motion was sponsored by the assembly’s majority leader Lawi Kipchumba and supported by 36 MCAs out of 45.
It was Mochongoi MCA Kipruto Kimosop who lifted the lid and opened a can of worms when he revealed that the impeachment was meant to send strong signals to Gideon that Baringo is a Jubilee stronghold and Kanu allied politicians from the region should desist from insulting the DP.
Days before the ouster, Gideon was glued to his television watching protests and chaos rock his county when supporters of the deputy president took to the streets to protest calls from a section of MPs for the DP’s resignation.
The protestors trained their blazing guns on Gideon’s ally, Baringo woman representative Gladwell Tungo, who was elected on Kanu ticket and who read a press statement at parliament buildings calling on the deputy president to step aside, claiming he had brought the DP’s office into disrepute as he was linked to multiple scandals.
For now, the deputy president commands total control of the Kalenjin community, the dominant ethnic group in Rift Valley, others being the Maasai, Turkana and Samburu, together forming the Kamatusa.
The Kalenjins are found in West Pokot, Uasin Gishu, Elgeyo-Marakwet, Baringo, Nandi, Kericho and Bomet with pockets of them living in Nakuru and Narok counties.
The deputy president has cut to size rebel politicians who were giving him sleepless nights. They have all gone silent with analysts claiming, the ground is hostile to them.
The rebels include MPs William Kamket (Tiaty, Kanu), Silas Tiren (Moiben, Jubilee), Alfred Keter (Nandi Hills, Jubilee) and Joshua Kuttuny (Cherengany, Jubilee).
Other politicians from Rift Valley not seeing eye-to-eye with the deputy president include former ministers Franklin Bett, Henry Kosgey, Sally Kosgei, former Kuresoi MP Zakayo Cheruiyot, Isaac Ruto of Chama Cha Mashinani, businessmen Zedekiah Bundotich and David Langat.
Of all the leaders, only Kamket and Kuttuny have remained adamant that Ruto will be stopped by all means from ascending to power in 2022.
The Tiaty MP and Kuttuny have been attending the Building Bridges Initiative rallies where the Cherengany MP has been throwing brickbats at the deputy president.
But Kuttuny rarely visits his constituency for fear of being heckled by the residents who are firmly behind the deputy president. Surprisingly, Tiren and Keter have not been spotted in BBI rallies.
Most of the other leaders opposed to Ruto have been giving the BBI rallies a wide berth, preferring to wait on the wings and see which direction the wind will blow.
According to sources, it was Ruto’s firm hold on the Kalenjins that led to cancellation of a BBI rally in Eldoret following a situational report by the National Intelligence Service warning over possible outbreak of violence.
The meeting had been set for March 21 with pundits billing it as the litmus test for the rallies that were defining the political truce between Uhuru and ODM leader Raila Odinga.
The NIS document pointed to looming bloody clashes between supporters of Ruto and those of Raila.
Prior to the 2017 polls, the DP consolidated his support base by bringing all his rivals back into the fold as he galvanised support for Jubilee in the vote-rich region.
The Kalenjin rebels were then complaining that Jubilee had not fulfilled key campaign pledges and that Ruto had not used his influence to improve their lives.
They were citing the failure to resettle the Mau Forest evictees, poor payments to maize farmers and the DP’s inaccessibility as grounds for rejecting Jubilee.
The rebels included then Bomet Governor Isaac Rutto and MPs Oscar Sudi (Kapseret), Alfred Keter (Nandi Hills), Zakayo Cheruiyot (Kuresoi South) and then State House political affairs adviser Joshua Kuttuny.
Kuttuny made an abrupt about-turn and started flying in the same chopper with the deputy president.
He also hosted Ruto in Cherangany constituency before accompanying him to West Pokot ahead of the 2017 campaigns.
But some of the rebels led by Keter revolted against the DP soon after winning their seats in the 2017 polls, a revolt that threatened to crush the DP’s 2022 presidential ambitions.
The rebellion was led by the DP’s former allies who secretly schemed to jump ship from Jubilee while others kept away from his political activities.
The battle against him was fashioned around corruption and allegations that Kalenjin farmers had for the first time since independence been impoverished after the Jubilee administration took over.
The anti-Ruto brigade also accused powerful individuals in the ruling party of importing maize to frustrate local farmers and also thwart the government’s subsidies programme on fertiliser aimed at helping farmers.
The rebels included Buzeki, who at one time was quoted saying people think all Kalenjins are corrupt yet it’s just a few individuals like the deputy president who engage in graft and protecting cartels, thus damaging the name of the community.
It is at this juncture that details emerged of Isaac Ruto and Buzeki finalising a strategy to revamp Chama Cha Mashinani to team up with Gideon’s Kanu to whittle down Ruto’s grip on the vote-rich Rift Valley.
The CCM was also considering talking with ANC’s leader Musalia Mudavadi, Ford-Kenya’s Moses Wetang’ula and leaders of other parties to form a new political alliance.
Buzeki, known for a sizeable financial war chest, even lead a 500-strong delegation from the North Rift to a meeting with Rutto and CCM officials.
The meeting took place at the home of the former Bomet county boss after Buzeki publicly denounced Jubilee.
Buzeki and Ruto agreed on a political deal that would see the former governor remain the party leader while Buzeki becomes the secretary general.
The plan was to revamp the party through massive rebranding and recruitment of new members ahead of a face-off with Jubilee in 2022.
The plan had the backing of three sitting governors, six MPs and five senators in the region along with Langat, a Mombasa-based tycoon from North Rift.
The key backers of the plan included Elgeyo-Marakwet governor Alex Tolgos who had ditched Jubilee in favour of Kanu.
For his part, the vocal Uasin Gishu governor Jackson Mandago had retreated from Ruto’s activities waiting to see which direction the wind was blowing.
Others waiting to see the wind’s direction were Uasin Gishu Senator Margaret Kamar, woman representative Gladys Shollei, Ainabkoi MP William Chepkut and Kesses MP Swarrup Mishra. Shollei has since joined the DP rallies.
Ruto’s rural MP Janet Koech (independent) had remained aloof in local politics but the Jubilee candidate, Kevin Okwara jumped ship from the party blaming the DP and his allies for snatching his victory just because he was not from the area.
Soy MP Caleb Kositany, Elgeyo Marakwet senator Kipchumba Murkomen and Ruto’s powerful aide Farouk Kibet are fully behind Ruto.
It was Kuttuny who revealed that the revolt was real and unstoppable, saying the DP had been losing his trusted political allies who were replaced by sycophants who only chase their personal interests.
Kuttuny, along with Keter and Tiren, kicked off a storm when they demanded that the DP be investigated for alleged involvement in graft.
But Ruto’s allies moved swiftly to de-whip the rebels from House committees only for the High Court to save them by reinstating them.
Tiren, Keter, Marakwet East MP Kangongo Bowen and Alex Kosgey of Emgwen had been recalled from House committees for allegedly colluding with National Super Alliance lawmakers to contest committee leadership, disregarding their party’s leadership.
Keter and Tiren were elected chairpersons of the Labour and Social Welfare and Agriculture committees respectively.
Keter defeated Ali Wario of Bura, who had been preferred by Ruto while Kangogo defeated Sophia Abdi of Ijara to become chairman of the Environment committee. The deputy president had endorsed Abdi.
Kosgey had unsuccessfully challenged Kieni MP Kanini Kega as chairman of the committee on trade.
The rebels further breathed a sigh of relief when the Court of Appeal reinstated them as MPs after losing petitions lodged against them at the High Court.
In what was interpreted as a blow to the deputy president, Kangongo was reinstated as MP by the Court of Appeal days after Justice Kanyi Kimondo of the High Court nullified his victory following a petition launched by a voter, Sammy Kemboi.
Days later, Keter survived at the Supreme Court after it dismissed a petition filed by his competitor, Bernard Kitur to nullify his win.
But for now Keter, Kangogo,Tiren and Buzeki, among other anti-Ruto forces have taken a low profile, raising speculations they could be planning to rejoin the DP’s camp. Only time will tell.
Who is who in rush for Trans-Nzoia governor’s job 2022 – Weekly Citizen
The one million dollar question that has kept on boggling the minds of Trans Nzoia residents is whether or not Governor Patrick Khaemba was in 2013 elected as a person, or because of his allegiance to the Ford-Kenya FK party.
Could Khaemba have been voted in as a Bukusu so as to retain the political grip on the local majority community as a way of controlling power and resources as has been the other tribes elsewhere in the country?
Or still, could Khaemba have floored the other seasoned politicians like Noah Wekesa and Kakai Bisau with a big margin because of his development record? But what project had he initiated in the area prior to him joining politics that could warrant the ticket to the governorship?
And what if both Wekesa and Bisau had resolved their differences to back one of them in FK where they had been before the former moved to ODM, and the latter to NFK respectively, to take on Khaemba who was seen as a newcomer in the politics of the county apart from having served as a permanent secretary PS in a personal capacity?
What finances did Khaemba have to influence the voting pattern to his side? If anything, the embattled governor had not saved half of what Wekesa had set aside for the electioneering. But here was a man, who had been defrocked from the government and worked briefly at the World Bank, then came home to walk to victory against a millionaire.
Save for the constitution that bars Khaemba to vie for the third time, would the same Trans-Nzoia people vote for him in 2022? Could there be yet another surprise in waiting?
Perhaps Khaemba did not face the right opponents or the 2013 and 2017 polls were just sheer good luck for Khaemba who with his slogan of Kazi Kwa Mpango has turned into a nightmare for the thousands of people who had placed their hopes on a man they believed would deliver them from the vast bondage of abject poverty.
What most of the registered 230,000 voters are now wondering is whether the same practice is going to be repeated in 2022 as they seek a replacement for Khaemba and go in the annals of history to erase the belief and myth that it is only through political and tribal patronage that a governor could be elected in Trans Nzoia.
As the 2022 draws near, stakes of political parties, finances, tribal alliances and empty pledges are currently rearing their ugly heads again with the most two qualities of development record and personality not being considered.
Already, a list of carrot of the most likely contenders has floated and a mere perusal at it shows as to who is who matters in the society as much as tribe, political and financial might is concerned.
Memories of the non-performance and let-down of the outgoing Khaemba are quickly erasing out with the tendency of the “our own” manifesting to the grassroots. Suffice to ask which way for the nearly one million population of Trans Nzoia county in 2022 with the following possible candidates on card for the county’s gubernatorial race: –
Eugene Wamalwa: The Devolution CS is yet to decide whether or not to remain with the national government or roll down to the county but should he contest, he enjoys the support of majority communities and age bracket.
Though the CS is faced with the challenge of the choice of a political party after surrendering his New Ford Kenya NFK to the divided Jubilee, Wamalwa will have first to conform to the outcome of BBI before making any major move.
He will also have to explain why he has preferred Trans Nzoia people to those in Bungoma in terms of offering employment. His admirers include Cherangany MP Joshua Kuttuny, Endebess politician Alwin Lisa, local supplier Bernard Masanja, county assemby pro Fred Wanyonyi whom he may back for the senate seat and a woman activist Dorcas Njenga being regarded as the possible running mate of the Devolution CS or the choice for the woman rep.
Born in 1969 and married to Lucy Musundi, the CS remains the official spokesperson of the Wamalwa family and the larger Baengele clan of the Bukusu subtribe traversing Trans Nzoia and Bungoma counties. He is calculative like his late brother, Wamalwa Kijana.
That is why the populous Bukuksu community and Luhya rely on him on national cake bargain politics of building alliances.
He is sober in arguments, rarely gets annoyed when pushed to the wall only smiling and as a shrewd political gambler, hides his final card to cast it at the right time. It is said a section involved in Uhuru Kenyatta succession has a soft spot on Eugene and that is why he hold the powerful devolution docket.
Chris Wamalwa: The holder of the doctorate in strategic management could have an easy ride if Eugene does not contest for having moved across the county from church harambees to donations to funerals.
His undoing, however, is insults against his opponents and behaving as having already won the seat. If he plays his game well he could carry away the FK nominations. He is being advised to listen and respect elders.
Aged 45 and married to Florence Nyambere with three children Bill, Arnold and Victoria, and as a staunch Catholic and the chairman of the parliamentary catholic MPs, the Kiminini MP has established a rapport with the Kitale Catholic Bishop Maurice Crowley who has no qualms with him becoming the second Trans Nzoia governor after Khaemba.
The Saboti Jubilee MCA David Kaboloman, a Sabaot who had been famed as his running mate before the BBI report recommending for a woman candidate, he could turn out to be his chief campaign manager.
Currently, the FK lawmaker declared twice as the best debate with motions cushioning farmers against uncompetitive production costs is being rated as the front runner. He knows how to move masses and strike when the iron is still hot to scare potential political foes. He is a generous man.
Kakai Bisau: This will be his third stab and any small mistake might spell his finality to doom. It will be interesting to see how he will fair on without the backing of Eugene party he enjoyed in 2013 and 2017 after moving to DP William Ruto’s office where he is facing resistance from another candidate Abraham Sing’oei.
He has chosen to work with Bodaboda and women groups which are trooping from Khaemba’s camp to come and enhance his image soiled by his heart of not handing over an olive hand to his aggressors.
He is an adviser to DP Ruto but his challenge would be his running mate. He displays a bright future and exudes confidence. He resides in the once posh and exclusive Kitale’s Milimani Estate, just a stone’s-throw neighbour of Eugene.
He is surrounded by wrong faces and believes he has won the race by the fact of working in DP Ruto office. Those in DP office claim Kakai rarely interacts with Ruto and spends most of the time reading newspapers at Harambee Annex.
Kakai is said to be marktiming at the Annex office as major deals are cut at DP official residence in Karen and a private office in Upperhill. In fact Kakai has to receive handouts from powerful Ruto aide Farouk Kibett. His salary at Ruto’s office is Sh120,000 per month. Word has it that DP allies want him to step down for Senator Mike Mbito, promising a plum job in Ruto government if the DP wins 2022.
Senator Mike Mbito: The youthful vet is shifting to the plum job after dillydallying with Bisau in 2013 as his running mate and the easy ride in 2017 to the Senate on the Jubilee ticket against the influential Henry Ole Ndiema and Kipruto Kirwa.
Equally financial sound, and a philanthropist, the man could turn tables as was the case in 2017 when he vied for the senate. Perhaps, the only improvement is his public appearance and the command of both his native Sabaot dialect and Kiswahili language. He seems also allied to DP Ruto’s brigade in the county.
In his late 40s, the Senator should shield against the fast-riding Khaemba’s CCO for the department of Water John Meng’wa who is looked at as an alternate for the Sabaot community in mitigating the leadership power of the county.
But should both Wamalwas and Bisau make it a reality to the polling box, the trend and wave could smile towards his side. Having secured a permanent residence at Kitale in Saboti, he can only extend on his long-distance transport business to add to his finances. He should not rely on his Saboat community but reach out to other communities in the county.
Ben Wanjala: The professor of pasture development is leading a group of elders in identifying the suitor to Khaemba.
Having worked as Khaemba’s CFO, Wanjala is sending out the message of Trans Nzoia being a unique county that should be governed by committed professionals. He could fight within the FK primaries and he seems to have set himself well financially. Aged 58, and married to Benedict Wafula, the professor with property in Kitale and Kiminini towns is championing inclusivity and harmonising of all the local communities including the Asians who control the economy of the county.
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