The United States of America is planning to throw its weight behind Raila Odinga in the 2022 general election.
Multiple interviews with those in the know indicate that Raila is currently enjoying close relations not only with the US ambassador Kyle McCarter, but also top honchos at the State Department in Washington.
The decision by the Americans to support the ODM leader is because Kenya’s relationship with the US thrived during the coalition government led by Mwai Kibaki and Raila.
In fact, it is whispered in the corridors of power that the handshake deal between Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila was brokered by then American ambassador Robert Godec, members of the First Family led by Mama Ngina Kenyatta, Muhoho Kenyatta and who is who in the state security apparatus. Not left out was the Moi family and of course Raila inner core members including, Idah Odinga, the wife.
Insiders privy to the handshake say that Godec’s concern then was not only Kenya sliding into anarchy after Raila having been sworn in as people’s president but also the William Ruto factor in post-Uhuru era.
Godec is said to have prevailed upon the Kenyatta and Moi families to allow Uhuru and Raila strike a power deal ahead of 2022. The Building Bridges Initiative that was purportedly to bring a broader government outfit to address ethnic inbalances was also agreed on.
What many failed to understand then was, the shrewd Godec was out to use the handshake to create a new power base in Jubilee government to fight Chinese influence. Fear among Americans has been, if Ruto succeeds Uhuru, China will enjoy massive backing in Nairobi.
Raila has been using the BBI together with Uhuru to bring on board key political faces in Kenya as Ruto is being isolated in the push for referendum that is likely to cost his presidential bid.
In fact to further wound the DP, his political foes led by Cotu secretary general Francis Atwoli and nominated MP Maina Kamanda link him to punguza mizigo initiative. Ruto’s enemies have been funding Embrace Kenya women that support the handshake while Ruto is associated with Inua Jamii that is against the referendum.
The referendum deal will see new political offices created with Raila likely being the president on a one-term of seven years.
The seven years push is out to benefit Raila due to his growing old age. According to insiders within the plot, within Raila seven years in power, the Kenyatta family will have then groomed one of their own to play a key role in Raila succession as they have no person at moment. The same will happen with the Odinga family since the death of Fidel Odinga left a huge vacuum.
The idea is to create a a stop gap seven year power shift aware from the Kikuyus and Kalenjins that have occupied presidency since independence by handing to the Luo community then return it to Kalenjins via Gideon Moi once Raila is out of power. That is why, Kabarak residence has become the political Lilondo of Kenya in Uhuru’s succession. Under the disguise of visiting the ailing Moi, those allowed to see the former president are said to be anointed by the elder Moi to strike a working deal between Uhuru-Raila and Gideon.
Initial plan was to have Raila not run for presidency but allow ANC leader Musalia Mudavadi take the mantle and face Ruto.
However, Raila strategists would not hear of it and have managed to rebrand 2022 race being between Ruto and Raila. In fact, even Ruto handlers are aware of the Raila presidency going by recent remarks by leader of majority in parliament Aden Duale.
Keen observers will agree that come 2022, ODM will field a presidential candidate and within the party, it is only Raila. The party recently released cheques to pay for branch offices across the country something even the ruling Jubilee has not done.
As Raila makes inroads in areas once perceived Jubilee strongholds including Mt Kenya region where Kirinyaga governor Anne Waiguru surprised many by backing his presidency, he has also been reactivating his international links among African presidents. Tanzanian president John Magufuli, South Sudan Salvar Kiir and DR Congo’s Felix Tshisekedi and South Africa head Cyril Ramaphosa are all said to be pushing Raila to run 2022.
Raila is aware to win Kenyan presidency, one has to be with the system that calls shots. Insiders within Raila camp told this writer that at one time Raila told a section of his allies opposed to the handshake that if he was loyal to Kibaki and never complained of a nusu mkate (half bread) during his time as prime minister in the coalition government, he could be serving his final presidential term. For now, the handshake has propelled him in the system and enjoys support of state security compared to Ruto. What is now remaining is the so called boardroom anointment.
In Kenya, it is said without boardroom political blessings, the system can easily rig you out despite of being popular. It is only Kibaki who won in Moi succession race against the system.
Thanks to the effect that key political players shelved political ambitions to back Kibaki and got the system off guard. If Kibaki was rigged out in favour of Uhuru then Moi favourite, the country would have gone into flames with the Moi and Kenyatta families who have invested heavily being major losers. That is why they quickly accepted Kibaki win in 2002.
It is imperative to note that Uhuru came to power in 2013, the relationship between the America and Kenyans came frosty, thanks to Uhuru’s “Look East Policy” in which China came into the picture as a new friend to Kenya.
Raila is also said to have contracted several American think-tanks to lobby for him among different American stakeholders.
The power competition between the United States and China will greatly define who is going to be elected the president of Kenya in 2022.
The Belt and Road Initiative ushered in a new phase in China’s global repositioning and a fundamental shift in its geopolitics.
The US-China trade war is part of their geopolitical rivalry that has now taken a global dimension.
Today, Chinese state-owned enterprises are involved in investments not only in Asia, Africa, and Europe but also in the US.
A new cold war is looming because the US is confronted not by an expansionary Soviet Union seeking to capitalise on decolonisation to advance its ideological and geopolitical ambition, but by a resurgent China.
Until recently, it seemed unlikely that a Cold War with 21st century characteristics would eventuate.
A recent decision by China not to fund the extension of standard gauge railway line from Naivasha to Kisumu during a visit to China by Uhuru and Raila a is said to be part of the quiet political undercurrents that are going to define 2022 politics. It is said, China is deeply aware of Raila America connections. Further, China concern is the appointment of Raila as African Union special representative on infrastructure.
However, Raila’s supporters insist something strange happened in China as he had intimated to his close confidants that extending the SGR from Naivasha to Kisumu was on the cards.
They insist that the plan was shelved either after the Chinese lenders pushed the government to implement even more policies to improve SGR’s financial sustainability through the influence Ruto links in China or Russia could have ensured that the deal did not go through.
For the DP supporters, the extending of the SGR from Naivasha to Kisumu was a political nightmare as such a development was going to bolster Raila’s political fortunes while diminishing his.
Ruto camp wanted the SGR line pass Eldoret, Webuye, Bungoma then land Malaba border.
However, Raila’s supporters say while Ruto seems to have opted to “Look East” meaning he wants to work with the Chinese and Russians, Raila is going to develop close relations with western countries.
It is increasingly becoming clear to Ruto’s supporters that the onslaught against Ruto and his allies is heavily borrowed from a script Jomo Kenyatta applied during his rivalry with his then vice president Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.
According to a book written by the then US ambassador to Kenya William Attwood, The Reds and the Blacks (1967), rivalry emerged between Kenyatta and Jaramogi immediately after independence setting the stage for the latter’s political downfall.
Kenyatta and Jaramogi had met in the early 50s, before developing a great political rapport that would see them deliver Kenya’s independence.
This resulted in Kenyatta being elected president with Jaramogi becoming his vice president. However, immediately after the 1963 independence elections relations between the two leaders became strained.
Jaramogi emerged as a highly ambitious, shrewd and conniving vice president who was focused on succeeding Kenyatta at all costs. This was to later lead to fallout between the two powerful politicians.
Kenya is currently at this stage now where relations between Uhuru and Ruto are at their lowest ebb. Since Uhuru and Raila announced a unity deal in March last year, Ruto has been behaving like campaigns for the 2022 presidential polls have started.
He has not only been shuttling from one corner of the country to another but also receiving MPs and delegations from different parts of the country at either his Harambee House Annex office or at his official residence in Karen.
This development has thawed relations between the two setting the stage for a political scenario that resembles the Kenyatta presidency and his then vice president Jaramogi.
This is the political scenario currently evolving in Kenya. There is no doubt about the role Ruto played in Uhuru’s election in 2013 and the two subsequent elections in 2017.
However, just like when the Chinese and the Russians were said have discreetly supported Jaramogi in his supremacy wars with Jomo, Ruto is also said to have close walking relations with the two countries. It said that the Donald Trump-led administration has been keen to promote American investment, and especially participation in infrastructure projects currently dominated by China and Japan.
The US is also on a speedy implementation of its Connect Africa initiative that is viewed by many analysts as a counterstrategy to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which harbours massive geo-economic and political implications in Africa.
Unlike the Chinese, the US prefers to engage developing countries like Kenya on non-rigid loan terms. “Our deals focus on sustainable financing, not unmanageable debts,” the ambassador said.
During a visit to US last year by Uhuru, Kenya signed multibillion shilling partnership agreements with the US government and companies — the majority of them targeting growth pillars commonly known as the ‘Big Four’.
Since the March 9 2018 handshake, the ODM leader has held a series of meetings with members of the two powerful families – the Kenyattas and Mois – raising speculations of a political deal in the offing.
Insiders say the two powerful and moneyed families have settled on the ODM leader as the ideal candidate for the presidency in 2022 and are now crafting a formula which will accommodate other political heavyweights across the country in the next government.
Of interests to the two families are the massive economic interests they control, with fears that a presidency hostile to them is likely to interfere with their economic and political dominance.
The new arrangement edges Ruto out as Uhuru’s preferred presidential candidate though the two had reached an agreement prior to the 2013 and 2017 elections for the president to back his second in command.
As a sign of Raila’s changing fortunes, Uhuru brokered his appointment as the first African Union envoy for infrastructure.
Cabinet secretaries, governors and other top government officials have been trooping to Capitol Hill to brief Raila on various state projects, much to the chagrin of Ruto who is facing open defiance from CSs considered loyal to Uhuru such as Fred Matiang’i and Peter Munya.
Indeed, Ruto is now an isolated figure in the corridors of power and is helplessly watching as the likes of Interior PS Karanja Kibicho orders members of the provincial administration to give his activities a wide berth unless sanctioned by State House.
According to sources, the ODM leader has reportedly vowed to protect the economic and political interests of Kenyatta and Moi families, in return for political and financial backing in the next elections.
Part of the 2022 deal includes expanding the executive in a referendum slated for mid next year to create positions for other sons and daughters of prominent families to be in government in the guise of inclusivity.
In this arrangement, Gideon is slated for either deputy premier or deputy president alongside Musalia Mudavadi, Ali Hassan Joho and Kalonzo Musyoka.
It is also rumoured that Uhuru might make a comeback as the premier, a move that will see him continue to protect his family’s wealth.
But if Uhuru opts to retire, then he is the one who will propose the name of the premier, most likely a candidate from Mount Kenya region.
Uhuru, according to sources, is also grooming his two sons – Jomo and Muhoho – to go for elective seats in 2022 if he decides to call it a day for the family to remain politically strong.
First for Uhuru to introduce into the murky world of politics was his eldest son, Jomo, who during the 2017 elections was placed under the six-key units meant to come up with key strategies for the president’s re-election.
Among the six teams included technical and resources, strategy and theme advisers, political professionals, women and youth grassroots organisers and communications and messaging.
There are reports he might land a big political job in the next government as he eyes a higher office in future. It is the same for the president’s second born son, Muhoho, who is being groomed to enter into elective politics by contesting the Gatundu South parliamentary seat currently, held by Moses Kuria.
Indeed, when Muhoho sent signals that he would be in the parliamentary race in 2022, a panicky Kuria sparked the debate over resource allocations, accusing Uhuru of allegedly neglecting Mt Kenya region in terms of development since 2013.
But in a rejoinder however, Uhuru dismissed Kuria’s assertions, insisting that he is equitably sharing resources to all corners of the country without prejudice.
In December last year, Muhoho sent tongues wagging when he joined locals in Gatundu in celebrating Christmas, a move that was interpreted as testing the waters before he finally announces his intention to go for the seat in 2022.
According to sources, Uhuru is keen to have either Jomo or Muhoho in Railas’s line-up to ensure the family has a key figure in the corridors of power once he hangs the boots.
Sources further add that Uhuru and Raila are using BBI, which is now writing a report on constitutional reforms that are expected to have a huge implication on the 2022 election, to further their political interests in post-Uhuru government.
Indeed, Raila’s latest meeting with two prominent relatives of the Kenyatta and Moi families was last week at his Capital Hill offices where he played host to Doris Moi, daughter of Moi and her family.
The meeting with Ms Moi came a day after Kristina Pratt, the president’s eldest sister, came calling at the same office.
Before meeting Doris, the ODM leader had received Trade and Industry CS Peter Munya and later in the evening Kiambu deputy governor James Nyoro, a man calling the shots in the president’s county after governor Ferdinand Waititu, a key ally of Ruto, was barred from accessing his office until a corruption case he is facing is concluded.
Kakamega man who cycled to bury Moi begs to host Sonko – Weekly Citizen
The family of a man who rode from Kakamega to Kabarak in Nakuru county to attend burial of former president Daniel arap Moi plans to offer special prayers for Nairobi governor Mike Sonko at their homestead.
They want Sonko to be present during the prayer session. It is not only going to be a thanksgiving day, but also special prayers to the embattled governor to overcome his current tribulations mostly political that have landed him in courts.
Mzee Nathan Ambuti, 76, old believes it is the late Moi spirit that led Sonko to buy him a posho mill and motorcycle. He wants Sonko to be adopted as part of his family. He wants to use the posho mill to serve mothers seeking maize milling services. He has nicknamed his old bicycle Mike Sonko and will not dispose it.
He wants Sonko to give him a date when he is free to receive prayers. He took four days to ride to Kabarak spending nights on verandas. At Kabarak, security team tried to block him.
The bicycle had national flags from anumber of countries. He was allowed into Moi’s residence but he later left behind his bicycle at Moi’s home.
Word has it, a section of Moi family members led by Senator Gideon Moi also want to meet Ambuti when he will be picking his old machine from their old man’s home in Kabarak.
The never-ending Watamu hotel court ownership battles – Weekly Citizen
A luxurious tourist establishment in Watamu, Kilifi county has been at the centre of fierce court battles for more than a decade, threatening its very existence.
One hotel, two names, two different sets of owners and a myriad of court cases.
However, the Judiciary, Malindi subcounty security committee have so far been unable to resolve the ownership dispute.
The property began as Temple Point Resort, built by a tour company based in Italy. It was later renamed Salama Beach Resort when the company owning it became bankrupt and was placed under receivership. A new owner emerged later and took over the running of the hotel, which he renamed Temple Point Resort.
The ownership dispute of the hotel sitting right in front of the glistening white Watamu beach, and which is popular with both local and international guests, has cost millions of shillings in legal fees and other charges, legitimate or otherwise.
As they say, it is the piper who calls the tune, so the party that has more money gets its way, albeit temporarily as the other party looks for more money. It is a circus of sorts.
The dispute pits a group led by prominent Kenyan hotelier Isaac Rodrot and Italian Stefanno Ucelli against another group led by Hans Langer, a German national.
In court, there are multiple cases, applications, notices of motions and rulings from both sides that have often led both parties to remain in the corridors of justice since 2010 with no solution in sight.
Court documents indicate that the hotel was initially owned by a Swiss tour company known as Viagi del Ventiaglio, which had several other properties in other parts of the world. The company went under receivership in 2010. Its owner died shortly before or after the collapse.
At that time, Rodrot and Ucelli are said to have been working as directors at Temple Point Beach Resort, one of the collapsed company’s properties in Kenya.
When they heard that the owner had died and the company was under receivership; and since they claimed to have bought shares from the collapsed company, they started running the hotel as their own and renamed it Salama Beach Resort.
The court documents say Langer was owed millions of Euros by the company, but when he went to claim payment, he was told there was no money. He could however pay himself by taking over the Temple Point Resort in Kenya.
The German then obtained a court order in Milan, Italy, travelled to Kenya and kicked out Rodrot and his team thus triggering the unending court battles.
According to Rodrot, the case was filed on December 15 2009 against Salama Beach Hotel Limited, which was owned by Ventaglio International S A Luxemburg, whose directors were Enrico Poma (chairman), Mario Scotti Camuzi ad Ucelli.
Rodrot claims that Ucelli was the resident director representing foreign interests in Kenya based in Salama Beach Hotel Limited, while he was also a director.
The dispute has left members of the security team in Malindi sub county scratching their heads, with orders and counter orders from the judiciary confusing law enforcement agents.
Recently, local security committee held a four-hour closed-door meeting with both parties, although Langer was not physically present and was represented by his lawyer.
The meeting was expected to decide whether or not to evict Langer, who runs the property as Temple Point Resort, and install the previous management under Rodrot and Ucelli, who used to run it as Salama Beach Resort.
It was to decide whether to implement a court order issued in 2015 against Langer’s group, an order Langer says has been overtaken by events.
Some of those who attended the meeting claimed the security team ruled in favour of Rodrot, but before implementation of the decision, there was a change of heart.
Speaking to reporters early this week, Rodrot said he received a call from the Malindi subcounty police commander Vitalis Otieno, informing him that the operation would not be carried out as earlier agreed upon.
“I do not know what led to the change of heart. The subcounty commander called me at about 2am and told me that the orders would not be implemented until after further notice, without explaining the reason,” he claimed.
Contacted for comment, Otieno said it was true that there would be no eviction, noting that there was nothing new in the dispute that would warrant the execution of any orders.
When journalists visited the hotel, everything seemed to be running smoothly. There was a good number of local and international guests too.
Ian Langer, a son of the current ‘owner’ of the hotel, said it was not possible for the security team to carry out the court order obtained by Rodrot and his team because the order referred to a totally different hotel.
“This is Temple Point Resort but the court order is referring to Salama Beach Resort, which is totally different from this one. Salama Beach Resort is a totally new company that has nothing to do with Temple Point Resort,” he said.
He said there was a court order staying the implementation of the eviction order issued in 2015 that protected the current ‘owners’.
“We have faith in the legal proceedings and the government in the manner the matter was handled,” he said, a position that ran counter with that of Rodrot and his group, which claims that Salama Beach Resort and Temple Point Resort refers to one and the same hotel.
“It is false to say that Temple Point is not Salama Beach Resort. The court order giving us back the hotel was clear and I wonder why it has taken so long to enforce it,” he said.
Rodrot sees an invisible hand in the saga pulling the strings in favour of the current management.
Tycoons join battle to control Kalenjin politics after Moi’s death – Weekly Citizen
With the death of retired president Daniel Moi who had taken control of Kalenjin politics since the 1950s, eyes are now on his favourite son, Baringo senator Gideon Moi.
But even as Gideon battles to control region politics, Kalenjin tycoons are scheming to take charge under a third force.
The family at the behest of his late father settled on Gideon as the political head with Rongai MP Raymond Moi as the head according to sources.
Infact it is whispered, a section of the family was against Gideon preferring Raymond. However, Raymond did not want to annoy his late father in grave and that is why he passed the Moi baton to his young brother broad daylight after being given it by Kalenjin elders.
Insiders say Raymond did not want to generate political heat within the family by waiting for the 40 days mourning period to elapse hence the move. Raymond, the Rongai MP even went further to caution Gideon to go full blast politically and stop playing soft politics.
It is said Gideon was lucky in that if his late elder brother Jonathan Moi was alive, he would not have passed the baton to him. Jonathan and Gideon were sworn family enemies with Jonathan leaning towards the mother late Lena while Gideon was Moi favourite. In fact within the family, Gideon is known to get on well with Raymond but at war with brothers Philip and John Mark.
During the preparations to bury the retired president, Gideon wanted to be the family spokesman but was overruled by his brothers and sisters preferring Raymond. It was on these grounds, deputy president William Ruto was allowed to visit Kabarnet Gardens in Kibera to mourn with the family.
With the Moi rungu, Gideon now faces the biggest test as he is set to try wrest control of Kalenjin politics from Ruto.
It is said, during the Baringo South by-election held in August 2018 following the death of Grace Kipchoim who had been elected on a Jubilee party ticket, Gideon did not field a candidate on grounds, with Kanu leaning towards Jubilee, he was going to cause a stir. Further he did not want to annoy his friend president Uhuru Kenyatta. Jubilee was defending the seat in the by-election and won eventually after Kanu chickened out.
Kanu secretary general Nick Salat was not spared after the withdrawal when Elgeyo Marakwet senator Kipchumba Murkomen, one of the deputy president’s key allies in the region dismissed the former ruling party as “inferior and of no consequence in Kalenjin politics”.
The Jubilee candidate Charles Kamuren went on to bag the seat garnering 12,777 votes, with Cynthia Kipchilat of Maendeleo Chap Chap coming second after getting 8,968. Kamuren was Kanu candidate 2017.
Chama Cha Mashinani’s Paul Kimaru Motoloi emerged a distant third with 355 votes.
During 2017 general election, Ruto and Gideon fought to control Rift Valley politics.
Kanu managed to retain key positions in West Pokot and Baringo counties, despite Ruto’s spirited campaigns to fully control the region.
In West Pokot, Kanu won the governor’s seat bagged by John Lonyangapuo and the senate by Samuel Poghisio.
In Baringo, Gideon retained his position whereas then county assembly speaker William Kamket beat then parliamentary security committee chairman Asman Kamama in the Tiaty parliamentary race.
Further in Baringo, Jubilee was the biggest casualty after losing all county assembly seats in Tiaty subcounty to Kanu.
The winners in the wards were: Zelemoi Ameja (Churo/Amaya), Solomon Makal (Kolowa), Sam Lourien (Tirioko), Shadrack Mailuk (Tangulbei/Korossi), Nelson Lotela (Silale), Daniel Tuwit (Ribkwo/Kositei) and Maria Losile (Loiyamorok).
But Jubilee won the Baringo gubernatorial race after Stanley Kiptis managed 137,668 but Kanu bagged the woman representative seat, which was won by Gladwell Cheruiyot.
The loss of the Baringo senatorial seat to Kanu was viewed as a big blow to Ruto, whose ally Simon Kiprono Chelugui lost to Gideon.
Chelugui was later appointed Water cabinet secretary before being deployed to the Labour docket.
But Kanu’s performance in the Rift Valley in the 2017 election was a far cry from its target of 60 national assembly seats.
Prior to the polls, Salat had boasted that the party would fight it out with Ruto whose then United Republican Party controlled most of the counties in Rift Valley with a few exceptions.
In the 2013 polls, Kanu had six MPs, with West Pokot’s Lonyangapuo as the only senator while URP had 58 MPs and eight senators mostly drawn from the pastoralist communities.
But in 2017 elections Ruto carried the day in Kalenjin politics as majority of MPs, senators, governors, women representatives and MCAs won through the Jubilee Party.
But even as Gideon lost seats to Jubilee in his Baringo home turf, Ruto also found the going tough in his Uasin Gishu county. In his Turbo constituency, Janet Sitienei was elected an independent just like Ainabkoi where William Chepkut was.
In Kericho, Jubilee got five parliamentary seats courtesy of powerful and influential cabinet secretary Charles Keter. Kericho county has six parliamentary seats with Sogowet-Soin going to an independent Benard Koross.
In Bomet county, Jubilee won four out of the five parliamentary seats. Gideon Koske won Chepalungu seat on Chama Cha Mashinani of Isaac Ruto. It is only in Nandi and Elgeyo-Marakwet counties that all parliamentary seats went to Jubilee.
In Kalenjinland, Kanu has only one parliamentary seat that of Tiaty in Baringo held by Kamket, a Gideon political disciple. MCC associated with Machakos governor Alfred Mutua won Baringo Central that was held for years by late president Moi. Why voters did not vote for Kanu in Baringo Central has left may political analysts questioning. Remember, for years Moi was unopposed as area MP. It is said Baringo Central voters were bitter with Kanu and Moi family that after voting for them for years, Moi decided to abandon them and settle in Rongai in retirement and never visited the constituency.
In Samburu, Kanu won two seats defeating Jubilee in the county. Kanu bagged Samburu West via Naisula Lesuuda and Samburu East through Jackson Lentol.
In Narok county, Jubilee won three seats of Gideon Konchella (Kilgoris), Korei Ole Lemein (Narok South) and Lemanken Aramat (Narok East ). Kanu won EmuruaDikirr via Joshua Ngeno with CCM getting Narok West thanks to Gabriel Tongonyo.
In Kajiado county, Jubilee out of five parliamentary seats got four with ODM one, that of Kajiado Central via Elijah Memusi. Kanu did not get any seat in the county.
But a now energised Gideon after he was handed his late father’s leadership baton is now daring to challenge Ruto for the control of Kalenjin politics and to larger extent Kamatusa read Kalenjin, Maasai, Turkana and Samburu.
The late president’s family formally endorsed Gideon as the late president’s political heir during the funeral of their departed father.
A similar sentiment was expressed by Cotu secretary general Francis Atwoli who challenged Gideon to take his enemies headon, and not to hide.
Prior to Moi’s death, there was talk that Gideon had given up in his battle with Ruto.
The senator had gone silent sparking rumours that he was of the view the 2022 presidential race would unfavourable to him.Others say Gideon went silent to concentrate on his father’s ill health.
By then, there was also a believe Ruto would get the backing of Uhuru Kenyatta who during the campaigns gave an assurance he would back his second in command.
To further complicate matters for Gideon, out of every 10 Kalenjins one speaks to, 8 of them claim they have Ruto’s telephone number, or know him, while nearly all of them say they do not know and have never interacted with the Baringo senator.
There is also perception that Gideon is surrounded by an elite cabal of power brokers and shady businessmen who block the ordinary Kalenjin from accessing the Baringo senator.
Coupled with this is Gideon’s elite upbringing, which has seen him being unable to fluently communicate in Kalenjin dialect and also has problems doing the same in Kiswahili pretentiously or not.
Still, Gideon is not charismatic and his only credit is to imitate his father’s voice, which by 2022 will of no value.
Many Kalenjins also describe him as mean and out of touch with reality while in contrast Ruto is even comfortable eating in a kiosk, and even drinking the water locals take.
Gideon, who on two occasions blocked Ruto from visiting his ailing father at his Kabarak home even as he welcomed the DP’s political rivals such as opposition leader Raila Odinga as well as other leaders like Atwoli and Peter Kenneth, is also facing another rebellion from former business associates and former political allies.
The DP camp even claims Gideon was behind Jonathan’s death as he blocked his father from taking him overseas for specialised medical treatment only to die at a Nakuru Hospital -l not even Aga Khan or Nairobi Hospital.
Jonathan, the eldest son of Moi, and who in most African cultures, would have been at the forefront of decision-making in the family, died at the little known hospital
in Nakuru owned by Kesses MP Swarup Mishra.
There is talk that, were he alive, he would not have passed the leadership baton to Gideon but would have taken charge.
But the Baringo senator can pull a surprise given that he has aligned himself nationally with Uhuru and Raila where he is a firm backer of the Building Bridges Imitative.
There is talk that he is earmarked for one of the top seats once the BBI recommendations are adopted.
However, the Baringo senator is politically inexperienced if one compares him with the deputy president.
Gideon is yet to come out of his father’s shadow while Ruto who represents the sentiment of the so-called hustler nation, has established vital networks in nearly all the 47 counties.
The deputy president, to his credit, has also reduced the Kalenjin MPs rebels to inconsequential noisemakers with little impact at the grassroots.
Insiders say, a third force is likely to emerge in Kalenjin politics outside Ruto and Gideon camps.
Kelenjin MPs rebelling against Ruto are Silas Tiren, Alfred Keter and Joshua Kuttuny. They are now joining Kalenjin tycoons to form a third alliance.
They are in the same league with former ministers Franklin Bett, Henry Kosgey, Sally Koskei, former Kuresoi MP Zakayo Cheruiyot and Isaac Ruto. They are leaning towards CCM that has financing of businessmen Zedekiah Bundotich, David Langat and Joshua Chepkwony among others.
Even as the state machinery works to diminish Ruto’s fortunes in favour of Gideon, the DP is the man to watch in Rift Valley and beyond. However, the third force is bound to benefit in the fights as it happened in 2017 where independnts and other parties won seats in the area.
Political analysts say Kalenjin tycoons behind CCM must now get out to fight for recognition in region politics after the death of Moi to remain relevant 2022 and court other facesin Uhuru succession.
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TECH BREAK: Silicon Valley inventor of ‘cut, copy and paste’ dies
General1 week ago
‘Nothing left’: Kenyan mother’s fields stripped by locust swarm : The Standard
Entertainment6 days ago
‘Pay DJ Evolve’s medical bill!’ Kenyans maul Babu Owino after BBI event
General1 week ago
Young Chinese doctor dies of coronavirus
General1 week ago
Kenya: No Letup in Killings by Nairobi Police
General1 week ago
‘I Lost 10 Siblings in 10 Years’
General1 week ago
Ksh 33M to be spent on construction of houses in West Pokot – KBC